Applied Linguistics

Applied Linguistics 2014: 35/2: 184–207 � Oxford University Press 2013 doi:10.1093/applin/amt013 Advance Access published on 13 July 2013

Dynamics of Complexity and Accuracy: A Longitudinal Case Study of Advanced Untutored Development

*BRITTANY POLAT and YOUJIN KIM

Georgia State University

*E-mail: bpolat@student.gsu.edu or brittanypolat@gmail.com

This longitudinal case study follows a dynamic systems approach to investigate

an under-studied research area in second language acquisition, the development

of complexity and accuracy for an advanced untutored learner of English. Using

the analytical tools of dynamic systems theory (Verspoor et al. 2011) within the

framework of complexity, accuracy, and fluency (Skehan 1998; Norris and

Ortega 2009), the study tracks accuracy, syntactic complexity, and lexical

diversity in the speech of a Turkish immigrant over one year. Results from

these oral interviews show that most development occurred in the participant’s

lexical diversity, syntactic complexity showed potential but unverifiable gains,

and accuracy showed no development. These findings suggest that an untutored

language learner may develop advanced lexical and syntactic skills, but achiev-

ing grammatical accuracy without instruction may be more difficult. Overall,

dynamic systems theory seems to provide a suitable framework for examining

the linguistic development of advanced naturalistic learners, with important

implications for future research involving untutored immigrant and refugee

populations of English language learners.

INTRODUCTION

In recent decades, second language acquisition (SLA) research has

predominantly focused on issues in instructed language learning rather than

naturalistic language learning. Despite promising early research and several

seminal studies of untutored adult learners—Schmidt’s (1984) Wes study,

Schumann’s (1978) Alberto study, Huebner’s (1983) Ge study—which have

made significant contributions to the field, the vast majority of publications

today concentrate on instructed language learning. Although many of these

have certainly increased our understanding of how language learning works in

the classroom, there are compelling reasons to pay more attention to language

acquisition outside the classroom.

Whereas many of the students who participate in SLA studies have the

luxury of formal language instruction, the majority of the world’s language

learners acquire second and additional languages in naturalistic contexts

(Klein and Perdue 1993). Without knowing how this type of learning takes

place, SLA researchers are missing a crucial part of the language acquisition

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process: the basic mechanisms that have allowed humans to create and pass

on languages for millennia (Klein and Dimroth 2009). As Klein and Dimroth

put it:

Untutored second language acquisition is not something exotic, it is the normal case, and if we want to understand the very principles according to which the human mind constructs, copies, and uses linguistic systems, then we must study how human beings cope with this task when not under the influence of teaching. (p. 519)

As the field discovers how important social and situational factors are in lan-

guage learning, it becomes increasingly apparent that tutored and untutored

acquisition may have very different driving factors. So far, however, only a few

studies in the past two decades have explored naturalistic language learning

(Klein and Perdue 1993; Ioup et al. 1994; Dimroth and Starren 2003), and of

these, only Ioup et al. (1994) have specifically investigated advanced natural-

istic learning, with an English-speaking learner of Arabic.

Perhaps the most extensive study of untutored language learning to date is

that conducted by the European Science Foundation from 1981 to 1988

(Perdue 1993). This study tracked the development of 40 language learners

from a variety of first language backgrounds in five host countries (Britain,

France, Sweden, Germany, and The Netherlands) over 30 months and found

that immigrants at first developed a basic variety (BV) of the target language.

The BVs were all very similar, lacking morphological inflection and consisting

of a rudimentary lexicon, and they mainly seemed independent of the lear-

ner’s first language and target language. Whereas about one-third of the im-

migrants remained at this basic level throughout the study, the others

continued to develop beyond the BV (Klein and Perdue 1993). The study

has yielded important insights into universals of basic language varieties, as

well as developmental stages that most naturalistic learners appear to pass

through. However, because the study did not report on learners beyond

basic development, we know neither how proficient these learners ultimately

became nor what their most advanced forms of learner language looked like.

The present study addresses the research lacuna of advanced naturalistic

learning by examining the language development of an untutored adult lan-

guage learner beginning two and a half years after his arrival in the target

language environment. The methodological approach taken is that of dynamic

systems theory (DST) (Verspoor et al. 2011), and the variables investigated are

two widely used constructs of language performance, complexity and accuracy

(Ellis and Barkhuizen 2005). In the following text, we will address the theor-

etical considerations behind researching complexity and accuracy from a

dynamic systems perspective, and then we will present the 12-month case

study. We conclude with a discussion of implications for untutored language

acquisition and the importance of integrating research on untutored learning

over time into mainstream SLA research.

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CAF AND DST

Theoretical platforms

Researchers of second language (L2) development are increasingly relying on

measures of complexity, accuracy, and fluency (known together as CAF) to

assess learners’ written and oral proficiency and to probe more deeply into

the cognitive processes of language learning (Ellis and Barkhuizen 2005).

Originally conceived as a way to distinguish aspects of task performance,

these three components are oriented toward either form (complexity and

accuracy) or meaning (fluency; Skehan1998). One of the major advantages of

CAF-based research is that it provides a sophisticated framework for investigat-

ing the multicomponential nature of language use and development. As form

has consistently been shown to be challenging for naturalistic learners (Schmidt

1984; Dimroth and Starren 2003), the present study focuses on the two form-

oriented components of L2 oral performance, complexity and accuracy.

The CAF constructs have frequently been examined by task-based SLA

researchers who are interested in the role of task design and implementation

in L2 performance (Ellis 2003; Samuda and Bygate 2008). Some researchers

assert that the CAF measures have been inconsistently defined and operatio-

nalized (Housen and Kuiken 2009), leading to calls for consistent, specific, and

validated CAF measures to be used across studies (Norris and Ortega 2009;

Pallotti 2009). Norris and Ortega (2009), for example, argue that different

operationalizations of complexity capture different facets of language develop-

ment, and that researchers should use multiple construct measurements to

provide a more complete picture. They also call for ‘more organic practice’

(p. 574) and a deeper consideration of context as an influence on CAF. In

other words, according to Norris and Ortega (2009), ‘our measurements

must provide multivariate, longitudinal, and descriptive accounts of constructs

in L2 performance in order to capture the complex, dynamic, and develop-

mental nature of CAF phenomena’ (p. 574).

At the same time, many SLA researchers are embracing the perspective that

SLA is an individualized nonlinear endeavor, and that research should con-

sider the variability and interaction of its components (Larsen-Freeman and

Cameron 2008a, 2008b). Although the idea of nonlinearity in language devel-

opment is not new, investigations undertaken within this dynamic systems

framework have applied new conceptual tools and analyses to the study of

developmental variability, showing the complex interrelations of CAF vari-

ables within language acquisition (Verspoor et al. 2011). DST researchers

advocate longitudinal, fine-grained, and microgenetic studies to discover indi-

vidual learning trajectories and the interrelationships of parts within the whole

(van Geert and van Dijk 2002; de Bot 2008; Larsen-Freeman and Cameron

2008a). Because DST is centered around time and variability, Ortega and

Byrnes (2008) propose that this theoretical approach is very well-suited to

the longitudinal study of advanced language capacities.

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Empirical research on CAF through DST

Because of the relative newness of the dynamic systems paradigm—and the

shift in perspective and analytical tools that it requires—only a few studies

have as yet connected this framework with CAF. Larsen-Freeman (2006)

was the first applied linguist to examine CAF through a DST lens, with a

focus on the variability between learners. Her investigation of five instructed

Chinese learners of English measured their written development of grammat-

ical complexity (clauses per t-unit), lexical complexity (a kind of type-token

ratio), accuracy (ratio of correct t-units to all t-units), and fluency (words per t-

unit) over four months, in addition to analyzing oral narrative idea units for

qualitative differences. The study revealed that although averaged group data

showed steady improvement in all three CAF components for the learners,

patterns of development for each individual were far removed from the aver-

aged trajectory. Learners exhibited unique trajectories, with different rates of

improvement and even decreases in some areas, an important fact that had

been obscured by the group averages.

Given this important individual variability in language acquisition, other

CAF studies have examined single language learners over a period of several

years. Verspoor et al. (2008) analyzed an advanced English learner’s academic

writing for development of vocabulary (measured by average word length,

type-token ratio, use of words from the Academic Word List) and complexity

(measured by length of noun phrase and number of words per finite verb).

They found that although the learner showed development in almost all the

aspects investigated, progress was nonlinear and was different for each vari-

able. Several interesting patterns emerged, including a possible competitive

relationship between development of type-token ratio and sentence length,

and a supportive relationship between finite verb ratio and noun phrase

length. The authors conclude that in the dynamic system of language learning,

‘there can be no development without variability, and the amount and type of

variability can reveal the actual developmental process’ (p. 229).

In another DST/CAF study, Spoelman and Verspoor (2010) tracked a Dutch

learner’s acquisition of written Finnish over three years. They examined

accuracy (case usage) and several measures of complexity (morphemes per

word, words per noun phrase, and ‘difference between the average sentence

length in morphemes and the average sentence length in words’, p. 539). The

results once again showed the interaction of variables over time, with the

learner’s complexity variables sometimes competing and sometimes support-

ing each other. Interestingly, although accuracy and complexity seemed to be

in competition early in the study period, they later changed to a noncompe-

titive relationship as the learner became more proficient, suggesting that

proficiency level may have an impact on the interaction of variables. Similar

to Verspoor et al. (2008), Spoelman and Verspoor (2010) maintain that these

language learner systems demonstrate the ‘classic’ jumps, transitions, and

nonlinear development of dynamic systems.

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The findings of these DST-based CAF studies show the importance of seeking

emergent dynamic patterns within the components of language systems

(Larsen-Freeman 2009; de Bot and Larsen-Freeman 2011). So far, however,

research in this area has concentrated on instructed, mainly written language

learning in academic settings, and researchers have not applied the DST the-

oretical framework or CAF constructs to studying untutored language devel-

opment. In addition, although several of these studies involve high-

intermediate (Larsen-Freeman 2006) or advanced learners (Verspoor et al.

2008), by and large the CAF/DST paradigm has not explicitly engaged with

the special concerns of advanced language capacities. One of the main goals of

the current study, therefore, is to specifically tease out the important issues

related to L2 advancedness, particularly as they apply to nonacademic

contexts.

ADVANCED LANGUAGE CAPACITIES

Although studies of advanced language learners have often figured in import-

ant SLA research, a wake-up call was sounded by Ortega and Byrnes’ (2008)

collection of longitudinal research on advanced language capacities. There is

an acute need, they argue, to closely examine the question of how ‘learning

over time evolve[s] toward sophisticated second language capacities, indeed to

high-level multiple-language capacities’ (p. 282). Researchers may often call

for longitudinal studies of language development, but the field has yet to come

to a consensus on what advancedness means in terms of L2 capabilities, or on

how it should be measured. Researchers such as Harklau (2008), Myles (2008),

and Angelelli (2008) offer different definitions and methodological techniques

for capturing advanced L2 use, including various qualitative and quantitative

approaches that examine linguistic, sociolinguistic, and pragmatic aspects of

language acquisition.

By claiming to investigate an advanced language learner, therefore, the pre-

sent study grapples with the unresolved theoretical issue of what advancedness

actually is. Research set in any kind of instructional context can easily rely on

test scores, institutional status, or classroom performance to define advanced

language capacities (Ortega and Byrnes 2008), and laboratory-based research

can elicit advanced or late-acquired linguistic features to claim advancedness.

In the present type of research conducted with an untutored learner, none of

these options are available. We therefore prefer the criterion of ‘advanced

language use in context’ (Ortega and Byrnes 2008: 282), based on what the

focal participant uses language to do in everyday life.

This more naturalistic approach to advancedness allows us to take the study

of advanced language capacities outside of academically defined parameters

and into the context of untutored learning. Just as there have been few studies

of untutored language acquisition from a CAF or DST framework, so, too, are

studies of advanced naturalistic learners few and far between. Ortega and

Byrnes’ (2008) collection does not include any studies on untutored learners,

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mainly because most research on advanced language learning has overwhelm-

ingly privileged written and academic language. The authors conclude that

‘longitudinal research on advancedness would benefit from sampling across

a variety of social settings that afford opportunities for diverse language rep-

ertoires, as this will enrich the developmental insights we obtain’ (Ortega and

Byrnes 2008: 284). It seems clear that not only are more longitudinal studies of

advanced language learning needed, but more are needed in a variety of con-

texts, such as untutored learners in a target-language setting.

A point of contention in the debate on advancedness seems to be whether

learner language should be compared with native speaker norms (Ortega and

Byrnes 2008). In this article, we take the position that L2 systems should never

be seen merely as deficient versions of native speaker language systems (Cook

2002; Harklau 2008), but it would be difficult to establish any learner’s level of

advancedness without considering target-like language use. For this reason,

the present study uses a native speaker comparison with the intention not of

showing deficiencies, but rather of showing the advanced language capacity of

an untutored learner. This is similar to Verspoor et al.’s (2008) inclusion of a

native speaker comparison, which is a helpful touchstone for interpreting the

performance of non-native speakers. In addition to the native speaker data

collected in this study, we offer comparisons of our participant’s language

with that of non-native English speakers in several previous studies that

have measured naturalistic oral data.

In summary, the study presented in later text seeks to join several strands of

research that have not yet been united but which have the potential to en-

hance our understanding of language learning: DST, CAF, naturalistic learn-

ing, and advanced language capacities. The complexity theory perspective

allows us to analyze various developmental patterns of an untutored but

nevertheless advanced L2 user, and the CAF platform provides a systematic

and conceptually clear set of tools for our investigation.

METHODS

Participants

Focal participant

The focal participant in this study, Alex (a pseudonym), is a native speaker of

Turkish who had lived in the USA for two and a half years at the beginning of

the interview period. Although Alex completed a bachelor’s degree in televi-

sion production at a prestigious university in Istanbul, he describes his English

at the time of his arrival in the USA as very basic. In fact, his experience with

English had been overwhelmingly negative before his interactions with

Americans. According to Alex, he had taken English for four years in high

school—delivered strictly through grammar-translation instruction—but never

managed to pass the class (he was allowed to graduate on the strength of his

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grades in other subjects). At university, he was required to take a year-long

English preparatory program before beginning his degree studies. Alex esti-

mates that he attended only about 30 percent of the English classes during that

year, and he failed to pass the English examination that would allow him to

proceed with his major studies. To help him move on with the degree, his

department allowed him to complete a ‘project’ in lieu of passing the difficult

examination; the project entailed writing 100 words on a sheet of notebook

paper, which Alex accomplished, thus ending his English learning

requirements.

Alex attributes his repeated failures and complete lack of interest in English

to poor teaching methods and to his belief (at the time) that the language was

completely irrelevant to his life. This belief necessarily changed, however,

when Alex moved to the USA at the age of 25. Once in the USA, he used

only English outside the home, although he reports reading newspapers,

watching movies and television shows, and talking weekly with his family

in Turkish. His interview comments reveal a positive orientation toward the

target language community and an openness to the new language and culture:

For me I’m don’t believe I’m belongs to one culture. Basically I am making my own culture . . . You know anytime I learn something, if it’s better than what I have, I get it. That’s my culture now. I found it something like that in English, in United State, and I took it some of them. Now they are my culture. But, something is ridiculous, it will never be my culture . . . I believe everybody have to do that, like this. (February 14)

Although Alex did have some formal language instruction in his home coun-

try, in this study, he is considered an untutored learner because his English

skills were rudimentary at the time of his arrival in the target language con-

text, because he has not taken any language classes in the USA, and because

he has learned English primarily through quotidian interaction (Lightbown

and Spada 2006). At the same time, Alex can be considered an advanced

English user based on what he is able to accomplish through everyday use

of the language (Harklau 2008; Ortega and Byrnes 2008). During this year-

long study, he worked in an English-only context as an assistant department

manager in a supermarket, supervising 25 employees (mainly native English

speakers), complying with strict federal food safety regulations, and managing

high volumes of perishable food inventory. Alex began working part-time in

the supermarket six months after he arrived in the USA and in three years was

promoted three times, in competition with native English speakers. Shortly

after the study ended, he was promoted again, to department manager.

Native speakers

Three native speakers were selected for comparison (two females and one

male), and they were each interviewed under similar circumstances as Alex

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(see Procedures for details). These speakers were all undergraduate

students at a university in the same city where Alex lives, with majors of

religious studies, applied linguistics, and education/drama. We believe that

these participants provide an appropriate comparison group because they

are at a similar education level as Alex (obtaining bachelor’s degrees) and

were discussing topics conceptually similar to topics in several of Alex’s

interviews.

Procedures

For exactly one year, Alex was interviewed once every two weeks for approxi-

mately 30 minutes. Several factors contributed to providing an authentic con-

text for language production: (1) Alex is a friend of the first author and has

experience discussing a wide variety of topics with her, (2) the interviews took

place in a familiar and nonthreatening environment, and (3) Alex was encour-

aged to choose topics that he enjoyed and felt comfortable discussing through-

out the unstructured interview. The interviews were carried out by the first

author, whose primary role was simply to be a conversational participant to

elicit speech production from Alex. Because the goal of data collection was to

gather authentic speech, topics varied and the conversation was unstructured

and unplanned (Duff 2008). Alex selected the topics for discussion (such as

politics, childhood memories, or his experience learning English) and could

decide when to move on to a new subject. The interviews therefore provided

realistic and meaning-oriented communicative situations (Hesse-Biber and

Leavy 2011).

Interviews were held every two weeks to capture any microgenetic

changes in Alex’s language. Microdevelopment is important in DST, as it can

provide details on how processes actually develop, particularly during key

moments of transition (Larsen-Freeman and Cameron 2008b). In addition,

the study was designed along the longitudinal timescale of one year, which

was long enough to represent development but still a manageable commit-

ment for the participant (see Ortega and Iberri-Shea 2005 for a discussion of

choosing timescales).

In addition to Alex’s data, three interviews were held with the native speak-

ers to obtain comparison data. These interviews were conducted in much the

same way as the interviews with Alex, with the main difference being that

they were slightly longer, at 45–60 minutes. The three native speakers were

familiar with the first author, who also carried out these interviews. Interviews

were recorded in a familiar environment on a laptop computer, and the topic

discussed was language learning, which was also a topic in Alex’s interviews.

Although native speaker conversation can vary in its complexity, because vari-

ables such as interlocutor, topic, and passage length were controlled for (see

Data Analysis), these data provide an appropriate starting point for target-like

use comparison.

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Data analysis and intercoder reliability

To investigate Alex’s longitudinal development of complexity and accuracy,

100-word passages were taken from each interview transcript (following

Spoelman and Verspoor 2010). The passage selected from each transcript

was the end of the last turn in which Alex spoke more than 100 words. This

was done to eliminate very short interactional utterances and dialogic re-

sponses that may have different levels of complexity and accuracy than

longer utterances. Passages were taken from the end of each interview because

it was assumed that Alex would be speaking more naturally at the end rather

than the beginning of the recording. Due to the organic nature of the interview

setting, discussion topics varied by session. 1

False starts, repetitions, inserts,

and other hesitation phenomena were excluded from the passages, so that the

100-word segments represented Alex’s speech without hesitation phenomena.

As in Spoelman and Verspoor (2010) and other studies, the oral data were

converted to CHAT format to be compatible with CHILDES program software

(MacWhinney 2000). The data were then analyzed for syntactic complexity

(mean length of AS-units, clauses per AS-unit, mean length of clauses), lexical

diversity (D), and accuracy (errors per 100 words, present simple tense).

AS-units

The 100-word passages were divided into analysis of speech units (AS-units),

which are defined as ‘an independent clause, or sub-clausal unit, together with

any subordinate clauses associated with either’ (Foster et al. 2000: 365).

AS-units have been widely used with oral data in SLA studies in the past

decade (Norris and Ortega 2009), and this was deemed the most appropriate

unit of measurement for the present study. To maintain consistent AS-unit

analysis, we followed Foster et al. (2000) as far as possible. Some examples of

the AS-unit in the data include You are not government and Because they knew

ninety percent people say ‘yes’.

In cases where the 100-word passages did not coincide with the boundaries

of AS-units, the entire AS-unit was retained for purposes of counting mean

length of AS-units and clauses per AS-unit. This was done to avoid including

incomplete AS-units in these complexity measures, which would have dis-

torted them.

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